By Gordon White (eds.)

An overview of the impression of the post-Mao market-orientated reforms in China at the chinese language country and its relatives with economic climate and society. It investigates the political and social effects of an financial method which goals to introduce markets right into a centrally-planned socialist economy.

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21, no. 97-120. 2. For preliminary analysis of the June 4 massacre, see Amnesty International, People's Republic of China: Preliminary Findings on Killings of 20 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. The Road to Crisis Unarmed Civilians, Arbitrary Arrests and Summary Executions since 3 June 1989 (London, August 14 1989); Michael Fathers and Andrew Higgins, Tiananmen: The Rape of Peking, (The Independent, London, 1989). For sophisticated analyses of central-local relations both before and during the reform decade, see Christine P.

With wholesale prices set at 150-190 yuan/ton, small plants should have been very profitable. Some were. For example, the 10 plants in suburban Shanghai reported that once they overcame initial technical problems, beginning in 1963 they operated profitably even though prices were lowered 5 times between 1963 and 1966, so that the wholesale price in 1966 was only half what it had been in 1961 (Shanghai fingji 1981, p. 249). In 1975, the Lin County Fertiliser Plant was reportedly earning a 33 per cent annual rate of return to investment on a wholesale price of 180 yuan/ton (ARSID 1975, p.

Because fertiliser production involves bulky inputs of coal, with a weight ratio of input to output that is close to one, the transport-saving advantage of locating near users can be realised only if inputs are also locally available. However, two broad features of the locational pattern suggest that the distribution of coal resources was not the most important factor in project selection. First, there was an unmistakable trend toward regional equalisation. 4 shows the ratio of fertiliser plants to the number of counties or towns converging toward 1 in most provinces.

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