By K. Oliver

Drawing upon newly-released legit and personal papers, this e-book presents an intimate account of Anglo-American debates over some of the most grave and politically delicate foreign-policy problems with the early Sixties. It examines the jobs performed via John F. Kennedy and Harold Macmillan within the test-ban negotiations among 1961 and 1963. It additionally describes the way contrasting family political imperatives and conceptions of ways the chilly battle may perhaps most sensible be gained created tensions among the 2 allies. however, they retained a large cohesion of standpoint and objective, finally generating the ingenious international relations that ended in the signing of the restricted Nuclear Test-Ban Treaty in August 1963.

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Where Eisenhower had tolerated the public airing of internal administration divisions, Kennedy actively sought governmental consensus; for virtually the first time in the course of the negotiations, American representatives were provided with a coherent and unambiguous position to advocate and defend. The reform of American test-ban policy-making processes, however, could not prevent the Geneva conference itself from descending into impasse. The tensions and crises of the wider Cold War were able to poison the negotiating environment just as effectively as they had in the past.

If Kennedy was unconvinced by military arguments and uncomfortable with the prospect of an escalating arms race and an alienated world opinion, he was also acutely sensitive to criticisms of his leadership and inclined to respond actively to the Soviet menace. To permit the continuation of the test moratorium in the face of the stalemate at Geneva was to accept the political and aesthetic horror of a policy vacuum at a time when Kennedy wished to retain the initiative and appear strong. Almost as soon as he returned from Europe, Kennedy started to explore the range of solutions to his dilemma.

38 Any resolution urging such a moratorium was likely to be adopted with a large majority. 39 To those neutral nations which simply wanted a end to tests, therefore, it seemed that the most feasible way to achieve that objective was through a moratorium. 41 For example, the offer of an atmospheric test ban could be Progress to the Proving Grounds 39 repeated. ' However, if before the UN debates Macmillan had been considering the possibility of accepting additional constraints upon Western tests, the Americans were emphasizing the very opposite.

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