By Tania Murray Li
Demonstrating that the “will to enhance” has an extended and afflicted background, Li identifies enduring continuities from the colonial interval to the current. She explores the instruments specialists have used to set the stipulations for reform—tools that mix the reshaping of wants with purposes of strength. Attending intimately to the highlands of Sulawesi, she indicates how a sequence of interventions entangled with each other and tracks their effects, starting from wealth to famine, from compliance to political mobilization, and from new solidarities to oppositional identities and violent assault. The Will to Improve is an interesting read—conceptually cutting edge, empirically wealthy, and alive with the activities and reflections of the objectives of development, individuals with their very own severe analyses of the issues that beset them.
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Additional resources for The Will to Improve: Governmentality, Development, and the Practice of Politics
Sample text
Conversely, Foucault has the edge on explicit theorization of how power shapes the conditions in which lives are lived. Although Gramscians turn to the concept of hegemony for this purpose, Gramsci’s formulations were notoriously enigmatic and fragmented. πΩ Foucault shared the concern to examine how power is lived but approached it di√erently. Gramsci understood consent to be linked to consciousness. Foucault understood subjects to be formed by practices of which they might be unaware, and to which their consent is neither given nor withheld.
To understand how it was achieved by a young man in a highland village in Sulawesi, we must examine both the process through which his political positioning emerged and the particular shape it took. Together with his covillagers, Freddy came to see himself as a member of an indigenous group defending its territory against the state—an identity he did not carry with him when he left the village to pursue his studies years before. ’’ They are ‘‘unstable points of identification or suture . . ’’π∏ In this book, I explore the positionings that enable people to practice a critical politics.
Rural paupers lacked industry, he argued, because any surplus they produced was quickly extracted from them by the owners of capital. Wage workers, similarly, were disciplined not by morality but by their lack of access to the means of production. They were wage slaves, not free men and women contracting to sell their labor as a matter of choice. From his analysis, a course of action followed. Rather than seek to displace capitalism, which he regarded as legitimate, or to eliminate poverty, which he regarded as an inevitable feature of a class society, he sought to use disciplinary means to create habits of industriousness, sub36 • chapter 1 stituting for the incentives the ‘‘self-regulating’’ market failed to supply.