By Michael Howard
Исследование одного из наиболее судьбоносных конфликтов в Европейской истории XIX века. Конфликта, изменившего не только систему государств Европейского континента, но и всего климата европейской морали и политической мысли. Подавляющий триумф немецкой военной мощи, вызывавший у современников смесь восхищения и ужаса, а также стремление к подражанию, стал началом эпохи политики силы, достигшей своей драматической кульминации в 1914 г.Образцы сканов:
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Cit. 17–19. 6 De la Gorce, Second Empire VI 142–3. reduction of the annual contingent by ten thousand men. The debates on these proposals once again followed familiar lines. The burden of arms was too crushing for the nation to endure. The French military establishment was a constant provocation to her peaceful neighbours. Armaments would not prevent but could only lead to war. 1 Even Thiers, that old enemy of the regime, brought all his authority to bear. “To talk of disarmament in the present state of Europe one needs to be both foolish and ignorant,” he declared.
The franco-prussian war 20 The difficulties of the mobilisation of 1859 showed Moltke the size 1 Stoffel, op. cit. 112 ff. Kessel, Moltke (Stuttgart 1957) 230–2. 3 See especially Moltke’s “Verordnungen für die höheren Truppenführer, 24 juni 1869", in Taktisch-strategische Aufsätze 171 ff. von Cochenhausen, Von Scharnhorst zu Schlieffen 1806–1906. Hundert Jahre preussischdeutscher Generalstab (Berlin 1933) 162. 2 of the problem with which he had to deal,1 and thenceforward he worked tirelessly to solve it.
To this there were objections from both soldiers and civilians. The Minister of War, Marshal Randon, led the military opposition, and voiced its deep professional mistrust of reservists. 2 At the same time the Emperor’s proposal came under civilian attack. Universal service, maintained the lawyers, would be unconstitutional, as only the Corps Législatif could determine the size of the army. 3 Politically, indeed, the Emperor could hardly have chosen a worse moment for such a project. The liberal institutions with which he had been diluting his authoritarian empire were now too firmly established for him to be able to ignore public opinion; yet the memory of his oppression was too fresh for the opposition to accept any measure to strengthen the army with which he had carried out his coup d’état and which he had continued to use as an instrument of his rule.