By Stefan Berger

The Historikerstreit of the Nineteen Eighties has ended inconclusively amidst heated debates at the nature and process German nationwide background. the writer follows the debates past the unforeseen reunification of the rustic in 1990 and analyzes the latest developments in German historiography. Reunification, he observes, has introduced in its wake an pressing look for the "normality" of the country country.

For someone drawn to the advance of the nationwide grasp narrative in additional contemporary German historiography, this e-book will supply a necessary advisor in the course of the multitude of ancient debates surrounding the kingdom nation.

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A Reassessment of G. G. Gervinus’, CEH, vol. 4, 1971, p. 386. Cited in Gangolf Hübinger, Georg Gottfried Gervinus. Historisches Urteil und politische Kritik, Göttingen, 1984, p. 132. Hübinger, Gervinus, pp. 199, 205. Jaeger and Rüsen, Geschichte, p. 124. Albert Wucher, Theodor Mommsen. Geschichtsschreibung und Politik, Göttingen, 1956, pp. 183, 195-198; Walter L. ), Der Berliner Antisemitismusstreit, Frankfurt-on-Main, 1965. Christhard Hoffmann, ‘Der Berliner Antisemitismusstreit 1879/80’, GWU, vol.

For Gellner such ‘a common idiom’ is necessary to allow individuals in any modern society to negotiate their position in society. National identity becomes a major stabilising factor in modern societies, and historical consciousness aims at underpinning it. National identity thus becomes an aspect of modernity. The formation of industrial societies and the modern state in the nineteenth century was necessarily connected to the emergence of national identities. Whilst such a functionalist explanation of the need for national identity, which is present in many Weberian and Marxist accounts of the phenomenon, goes some way towards explaining the strong hold of the nation on many minds and takes seriously the threat of nationalism, one nevertheless has to ask how functional the nation-state still is.

30 Between 1832 and 1836, as editor of the Historisch-Politische Zeitschrift, Ranke, in the interest of his Prussian paymasters, used historical argument to demonstrate, first, that Germany did not necessarily have to go down the French path of revolution, and, secondly, that the individual was subordinate to the will of the state. In Ranke’s political thought, the state was a quasi-mythical category which provided the cement between its contemporary inhabitants as well as between present and past generations.

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