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Two days ago, Stalin and his foreign minister, Vyacheslav Molotov, had departed for Potsdam. The writing was on the wall. As Sato worked in his office near Moscow’s Red Square on this humid morning, the conclusion was inescapable: the Soviet leader knew exactly where his future interests lay. And they were not with Japan. All of which made the growing pile of cables from Tokyo on his desk depressing reading. They had been arriving almost every day, and sometimes more than once. Their author was Shigenori Togo, Japan’s foreign minister, a canny, sixty-two-year-old ex-diplomat whom the emperor had brought back from retirement for one purS AT O 40 S H O C K WAV E 41 pose: to seek an honorable way out of the war.

As chairman of the innocuously named Interim Committee—inaugurated by Stimson to decide America’s atomic policy—he had unhesitatingly recommended using the bomb on the Japanese. A key meeting of the committee had taken place in Stimson’s Pentagon office on May 31, just six weeks ago. Its eight core members were drawn from a mix of leading government figures and distinguished scientists—men who had been associated with the bomb project almost since its inception. Included was the president’s own special representative, Jimmy Byrnes, the tough, hard-line South Carolinian who would shortly be appointed Truman’s secretary of state and would later accompany him to Potsdam.

His life was an unequal struggle against his weight, and he spent a large portion of his otherwise very well managed time failing to adhere to strict diets. It was rumored he weighed at least 230 pounds, although the actual figure was a secret almost as highly classified as the atomic bomb. He kept two pounds of chocolate COULD NOT 32 S T E P H E N W A L K E R bars in his office safe along with top secret files on the atomic bomb program, and one of his aides was responsible for making sure they were always topped up.

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