By Seymour Martin Lipset
"The most crucial unmarried quantity at the sociology of vote casting but to seem within the usa or wherever else."--Political technological know-how Quarterly."Lipset has once more proven his preeminence within the fields of either sociology and political science."--Commentary.
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H. Field, "The Non- Voter— Who He Is, What He Thinks," Public Opinion Quarterly, 8 (1944), pp. 175--87; Robert E. Lane, "Political Personality and Electoral Choice," American Political Science Review, 49 (1955), pp. 178-79; F. H. Sanford, Authoritarianism and Leadership (Philadelphia: Stephenson Brothers, 1950), p. 168. TEIE SOCIOLOGY OF POLITICS 33 participation to maintain the democratic system \\athout introducing sources of cleavage which will undermine the cohesionP^i At this point, I might suggest that the more cohesive and stable is, the more hkely it becomes that all seg- a democratic system ments of the population stimuH; that is, if will react in the same direction to major conditions facihtate the growth of ion, the sociahsts will gain votes among both leftist opin- the well-to-do and the workers, although they will remain relatively weaker in the upper strata.
Lipset, M. Trow, and Coleman, Union Democracy (Glencoe: The Free Press, 1956). 11 Tocqueville, op. , p. 321. J. S. 28 THE SOCIOLOGY OF POLITICS saw that the need for religious belief grew in direct proportion to political Hberty. The less coercive and dictatorial the political institutions of a society became, the more it needed a system of sacred belief to help restrict the actions of both the rulers and the ruled. Tocqueville, conversely, Bureaucracy and Democracy: Weber and Michels If one abiding interest of political sociology— cleavage and consensus—has been linked to the names of Marx and Tocqueville, another— the study of bureaucracy— is identified with the work of Max Weber and Robert Michels.
The more well-to-do The requirement means that no totalitarian movement, either communist received 20 per cent of the vote during this time. Actually all the European nations falling on the democratic side of the continuum had totalitarian movements which secured less than 7 per cent of the vote. " See "The PatJbology of Democracy in Latin America: A Historian's Point of View," American Political Science Review, 44 ( 1950), pp. 101-18. To this group I have added Mexico. Mexico has allowed freedom of the press, of assembly, and of organization to opposition parties, although there is good evidence that it does not allow them the opportunity to wdn elections since ballots are counted by the incumbents.