By Geoff A. Wilson;Olivia J. Wilson

A much-needed modern research of the typical Agricultural coverage and Germany's position inside of it. The authors examine the impact of reunification on German coverage this present day, and ask even if she has acted as chief, companion or obstructor within the formation of coverage. Their research comprises social and environmental points, in addition to the commercial and political, with a distinct specialise in the ''green agenda'' in eu agriculture

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Extra resources for German Agriculture in Transition?: Society, Policies and Environment in a Changing Europe

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1). This small farm structure is almost entirely related to historical and cultural factors. Thus, the liberation of peasants in the early nineteenth century created a system dominated by a vast number of small family farms (Tracy, 1989; Fulbrook, 1990). In some parts of the FRG, these historical patterns were further exacerbated by the prevailing system of land inheritance. 1). This system encouraged the maintenance of holdings passed on through the generations at more or less the same size. 1 Land inheritance customs in the FRG (Source: after Henkel, 1993) FRG Agricultural Structures and Policies, 1945–90 19 development of narrow strips (Streifenflur).

An artificially large peasantry . . ’ Especially after the collapse of the Third Reich, the FRG government was keen to retain the political allegiance of farmers to prevent the re-emergence of right-wing attitudes in poor rural areas which had provided substantial backing for the Nazi regime during the 1930s (Larres and Panayi, 1996). FRG farmers have generally backed the CDU (and particularly its important Bavarian right wing the CSU), and the innate conservatism and suspicion of land reform, especially in the context of the geographical and cultural proximity to the GDR, have often alienated FRG farmers against the SPD.

The DBV has effectively managed to exclude other important interest groups from agricultural policy-making, namely the consumer lobby and agri-business lobby. In addition, the DBV is a member of the Committee of Professional Agricultural Organisations (COPA) which is the main farmers’ lobby group in Brussels (Bulmer and Paterson, 1989). The DBV has generally shown conservative tendencies in its policy priorities and has tended to support the CDU/CSU parties, although for tactical reasons the DBV has also changed its political allegiances at certain times (Ackermann, 1970).

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