By Holger H. Herwig, Richard F. Hamilton
Targeting the alternatives made via coteries, this research examines the difficult query of why international battle I occurred. In each one case, the choice to go into the warfare used to be made by way of a handful of individuals--monarchs, ministers, army humans, social gathering leaders, ambassadors, and some others. In each one case additionally, separate and precise agendas are visible, with issues differing from one country to the following. The management of Japan, the Ottoman Empire, Italy, the Balkans, and the us are explored, in addition to that of the key powers involved--Austria-Hungary, Germany, France, and nice Britain,
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Additional resources for Decisions for War, 1914-1917
Germany had some modest holdings, most of them economic losers. Austria-Hungary had no off-continent empire and showed no interest in gaining one. An obvious lesson: the five major powers would have had markedly different imperial agendas. An analysis of this subject must specify the “interests” or “needs” sensed by the various decision-makers. One can again point to the role of advocacy groups, to Britain’s Empire League or Germany’s Colonial Society. But, as with the other factors discussed here, one must ask about frequencies, intensities, and impacts.
In March 1821 in Turin, the capital of Piedmont in northwest Italy, a part of the army revolted and demanded a constitution. The royalists responded with an appeal for Austrian aid. Metternich sent Austrian troops into both kingdoms and put down the insurgencies. Two years later, France, under Louis XVIII, the restored Bourbon king, sent troops into Spain for the same purpose. The uprising of Greeks against their Turkish overlords in 1821 posed a different set of problems and, ultimately, yielded a different outcome.
The same holds with respect to the militarism–pacifism pair. Social Darwinism was “widespread,” to be sure, but opposition to it was probably much more frequent, especially in the major religious bodies. In contrast to our knowledge of “mass sentiment” and of the organizations, our knowledge of the decision-making coteries is extensive. But here too one finds a serious gap. Were the decision-making coteries responding to the demands of the masses or to the pressures of organizations representing them?
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