By Odd Arne, et al. Westad

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In this sentence he seems, perhaps subconsciously, to conceive of strategy and policy as fraternally shared whereas the military forces involved were Vietnamese. ” He softened his point a little by adding that it was in accordance with what Mao himself had often said to Ho Chi Minh, and by assuring him that the Vietnamese were determined to fight till total victory. ” This meeting was apparently not the only time when the Vietnamese leaders needed to emphasize their right to decide for themselves.

53 Talks on 11 April 1967 in Beijing between Zhou Enlai, Pham Van Dong, and Vo Nguyen Giap. For more details of the Moscow-Beijing agreement on a “division of labor” with regard to Vietnam, see Chen Jian, China’s Road to the Korean War: The Making of the Sino-American Confrontation (New York: Columbia University Press, 1994), and Sergei Goncharov, John Lewis, and Xue Litai, Uncertain Partners: Stalin, Mao and the Korean War (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1993). 46 Generally speaking, Communist ideology provided a strong common ground for the two countries to build their bilateral relations.

Pol Pot’s first serious attempt to obtain support for a Cambodian insurgency was made in mid-1965, when he met Le Duan in Hanoi and then went on to Beijing. The meeting between Pol Pot and Le Duan seems to have been a cultural clash. Pol Pot presented a resolution adopted by his party, which Le Duan criticized quite heavily in a rather paternalistic lecture. He wanted Pol Pot to understand that victory in Cambodia would come later, as a result of victory in Laos and southern Vietnam, and to make his point understood, he used the inclusive “we” throughout: “We will use Sihanouk’s policy of peace and neutrality in order to avoid bringing Cambodia directly into the war…In Cambodia, we will go with Sihanouk.

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