By B.N. Mullik
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Extra info for Chinese Betrayal: My Years with Nehru
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The male/female dyad did not constitute a fundamental principle of identity. Susan Mann reminds us that men, especially upwardly mobile men, spent most of their social life in exclusive male company and were able to forge strong and lasting ties of patronage, protection, and friendship. Male homosociality, then, was a product of the normative family order, the examination system, and patterns of male sojourning. She points to a wealth of historical texts that testify to the “deep emotional attachment” that men formed outside the kinship system: from the legendary oath of the Peach Garden2 to empathic personal memoirs to wistful poetry of parting and longing (2000).
The entries are grouped into twenty-four chapters that are subdivided into several sections, every chapter and section bearing a distinctive title. Huayuan Li Mowry notes how di¿cult it is for a modern reader to make sense of Feng’s scheme of categorization, which is at times “contrived” and at times “chaotic and confusing” (1983, 8, 10). Indeed, one is reminded of the putative “Chinese encyclopaedia,” which, in his wonderment of its bizarre taxonomy, so confounded Foucault’s familiar landmarks of thought that it launched him into a profound re¶ection on the origins of the “human sciences” (1994).
In poetry criticism, qing is given the pride of place by Lu Ji (261–303), who rede¤nes poetry as the “expression of emotion” (shi yan qing) (Huang 1998, 160). This formulation invokes the more familiar maxim: “Poetry expresses the mind’s intent” (shi yan zhi). In Marston Anderson’s opinion, this does not amount to an expressive theory of art for the author is understood less as an autonomous creator than as a vessel through which the patterns or principles (wen) of nature and culture manifest themselves (1990, 13).