By Merilyn Moos
Siegi Moos, an anti-Nazi and energetic member of the German Communist occasion, escaped Germany in 1933 and, exiled in Britain, sought one other path to the transformation of capitalism. This biography charts Siegi's existence, beginning in Germany whilst he witnessed the Bavarian uprisings of 1918/19 and relocating to the later upward thrust of the extraordinary correct. We persist with his growth in Berlin as a devoted Communist and an lively anti-Nazi within the well-organised crimson entrance, earlier than a lot of the German Communist celebration (KPD) took the Nazis heavily, and his deep involvement within the loose Thinkers and in agit-prop theatre.
The ebook additionally describes Siegi's existence as an exile: the lack of relatives, comrades, his first language and finally his previous political opinions. opposed to a heritage of the loneliness of exile, the political and the non-public grew to become indissolubly intertwined whilst Siegi's spouse, Lotte, had a courting with an Irish/Soviet secret agent.
Lastly, we glance into Siegi's time as a learn employee on the prestigious Oxford Institute of facts at Oxford college from 1938, turning into an financial consultant below the Labour top Minister, Wilson, 1966-1970, and the way, ultimately, after retirement, he lower back to writing.
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Extra info for Beaten But Not Defeated: Siegfried Moos--A German anti-Nazi who settled in Britain
24 Great attention was also paid to those texts that served to create and popularize a Polish cultural memory in Wrocław. This category includes city guidebooks, popular historiographies, local or regional history periodicals and similar materials. These publications contained propaganda far into the 1980s, which has meant that authors of more recent works have not always considered them serious sources. However, apart from the fact that even 11 I ntroduction propagandistic writings include unadulterated facts and information, these texts are an indispensable source in identifying strategies of cultural appropriation and in examining the changes such strategies were subject to over the course of time.
It chose Bolesław Drobner (1883–68), who up to then had directed the department for labor, social welfare, and public health within the Polish Committee of National Liberation. Drobner, who had been born in Krakow, was an experienced socialist politician and functionary of the PPS. During the war he had lived in the Soviet Union and been part of the leadership of the Union of Polish Patriots (ZPP) there. Helpful for this new post in Breslau, Drobner was fluent in both Russian and German. 7 However, he had never been to Breslau and thus became mayor of a major city he had never seen.
On the very first day of the Tehran Conference, Churchill explained to Stalin that he personally did not feel committed to any specific border between Poland and the Soviet Union, and that he felt Soviet security considerations regarding this border were the decisive factor. ’ ”37 Roosevelt, too, gave his approval of the westward shift of the Soviet border. He requested understanding only for the fact that he could not publicly concede to making such an agreement. 38 Stalin sympathized and presumably felt confirmed in his low opinion of western democracy.
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